The Angry Dogs

The Angry Dogs

The Covid Nonsense Tax

The Actual Cost of the Great Barrington Declaration and RFK Jr

Mattppea's avatar
Mattppea
Jan 01, 2026

AJ Leonardi Physician–scientist who has been vocal since 2020–21 about post-acute COVID syndromes, immune dysfunction, and long-term population effects.

He’s essentially saying: “I warned you, repeatedly, and now the data is catching up.”

X avatar for @fitterhappierAJ
AJ Leonardi, MBBS, PhD@fitterhappierAJ
This is on the people that overhyped immunity to covid In 2021 I was asked by a high up market person what the future of long covid and disability in the US was. I told them it would continue to get worse and reinfections would accumulate harm and disability In 2022 a
8:14 PM · Dec 31, 2025 · 32.9K Views

19 Replies · 390 Reposts · 1.1K Likes


Core claim

Repeated SARS-CoV-2 infections:

  1. Cause Long COVID (LC) in a non-trivial fraction of people

  2. Accumulate harm with reinfections

  3. Damage immune function, especially T-cell compartments

  4. Raise risk of other diseases (infections, autoimmunity, cardiovascular events, possibly cancers)

  5. Affect not just “vulnerable” people, but the statistical “average”


What we actually know

1. Long COVID is real, common, and disabling

Established.

  • Long COVID affects ~5–15% of infections depending on definition, variant, vaccination status

  • Symptoms cluster around:

    • Fatigue / PEM

    • Dysautonomia (POTS-like)

    • Brain fog

    • Breathlessness

    • Muscle pain

  • It qualifies as a disability in the US and UK

This is not controversial anymore.


2. Reinfections increase risk (dose–response effect)

Strong evidence.

Large cohort studies (VA, UK Biobank, OpenSAFELY) show:

  • Each reinfection:

    • Raises LC risk

    • Raises cardiovascular risk

    • Raises neurological risk

  • Vaccination reduces risk but does not eliminate it

This supports Leonardi’s “accumulated harm” framing.


3. Immune dysregulation persists after infection

Solid but nuanced.

Post-COVID immune findings include:

  • Altered CD4+ and CD8+ T-cell profiles

  • Signs of:

    • T-cell exhaustion (PD-1, TIM-3 expression)

    • Reduced naïve T-cell pools

    • Persistent interferon signalling

  • Viral persistence or viral debris may be driving chronic activation

Key point:
This is dysregulation, not total immune collapse.


4. “T-cell death” and population-level immunity wear

Partially supported, often overstated.

What the literature shows:

  • SARS-CoV-2 can:

    • Infect immune cells indirectly

    • Trigger apoptosis in T cells

    • Cause thymic stress (reduced replenishment)

  • Severe infection causes measurable T-cell loss

  • Repeated infections may impair immune recovery

What it doesn’t show (yet):

  • Universal T-cell depletion

  • AIDS-like immune failure

  • Guaranteed progressive immune collapse in everyone

Leonardi is extrapolating population-level drift, not individual catastrophe, but the language often gets interpreted catastrophically.


5. Increased risk of “other diseases”

Increasingly supported.

Post-COVID cohorts show higher incidence of:

  • Cardiovascular events (MI, stroke)

  • Diabetes

  • Reactivation of latent viruses (EBV, VZV)

  • Autoimmune diagnoses

Cancer links are speculative but biologically plausible, not proven.

Clean summary (evidence vs inference)

Evidence

  • Long COVID is real and disabling

  • Reinfections increase risk

  • Immune dysregulation persists

  • Population-level disease burden is rising

Inference / extrapolation

  • Degree of permanent immune erosion

  • Long-term cancer risk

  • Universality of T-cell damage


Why this matters now

Because policy still assumes:

“Most people are fine, so systems will cope”

The data increasingly says:

“Most people survive, but systems absorb chronic damage”

The Response

Phase 1 (2020): Lockdowns were the least-bad option

Why lockdowns made sense early:

  • No vaccines

  • No antivirals

  • Hospitals genuinely at risk of collapse

  • IFR still high, especially pre-variants

  • Uncontrolled spread = visible mass death

Lockdowns:

  • Reduced immediate mortality

  • Bought time for:

    • Vaccines

    • Steroids

    • Oxygen protocols

    • ICU learning curves

They were a damage-delay mechanism, not a cure.

And crucially: they were temporary by design.


Phase 2 (2021): Vaccines changed the problem, but not how we talked about it

Vaccines did two different things, often conflated:

What vaccines did well

  • Slashed death rates

  • Reduced severe disease

  • Prevented health-system collapse

What vaccines did not do

  • Stop transmission reliably

  • Prevent reinfection

  • Eliminate Long COVID

  • Reset immune risk to zero

But politically and psychologically, we treated vaccines as:

“The exit ramp back to 2019”

That assumption turned out to be false.


Phase 3 (2022–now): The missing strategy

This is where the real failure sits.

Once:

  • Lockdowns were no longer politically viable

  • Vaccines reduced visible catastrophe

  • Populations were exhausted

Governments quietly shifted to:

“Endemic normalization + individual responsibility”

But without building the systems that would make that safe.


The false binary that poisoned debate

Public discourse collapsed into:

  • Side A: “Lockdowns forever = tyranny”

  • Side B: “Open up = mass death”

Both are wrong, and both miss the middle ground.

The real question was never:

“Lockdown or freedom?”

It was:

“What replaces lockdowns after vaccines?”

And that answer was never properly built.


What could have been the post-vaccine strategy (but wasn’t)

This is the counterfactual worth thinking about.

1. Treat reinfection as cumulative risk

Instead of pretending:

“Mild infection = harmless”

Policy could have acknowledged:

  • Reinfections matter

  • Risk accumulates probabilistically

  • Long COVID is not rare edge noise

That alone would have changed messaging and behaviour.


2. Normalize selective mitigation, not total shutdown

Not lockdowns, but:

  • Clean indoor air standards (CO₂, filtration)

  • Seasonal masking in healthcare & transit

  • Paid sick leave as public health infrastructure

  • Protecting high-risk workers without isolating them

Think: seatbelts, not house arrest.


3. Invest seriously in Long COVID treatment & prevention

Instead:

  • LC clinics underfunded

  • Disability systems quietly tightened

  • Research fragmented and slow

This signalled (correctly, in public perception):

“We don’t want to know how bad this is.”


4. Be honest about uncertainty

This is the hardest one politically.

Governments couldn’t say:

“We don’t fully know the long-term immune consequences, but repeated infection is probably not neutral.”

So they said:

“You’re fine.”

That bought compliance, at the cost of future trust.


Why “you cannot close a society” is true, but incomplete

You cannot permanently close a society.

But you also cannot:

  • Run a high-contact economy

  • With repeated mass infection

  • While pretending chronic damage won’t surface

That’s the contradiction we’re now living inside.

Instead of closure, we needed structural adaptation.

We mostly chose denial plus vibes.


Why this now feels like “no right answer”

Because we optimized for:

  • Short-term political stability

  • Visible mortality reduction

  • Economic reopening metrics

And de-optimized for:

  • Chronic illness

  • Workforce attrition

  • Long-tail healthcare burden

  • Trust in institutions

So in hindsight:

  • Lockdowns were right then

  • Reopening was inevitable

  • What followed was intellectually lazy

Not malicious, but deeply incurious.


The grim but honest synthesis

  • Lockdowns were a brake, not a solution

  • Vaccines solved death, not disease

  • Reopening without mitigation externalized risk onto individuals

  • Long COVID is the bill coming due

  • No society chose well — some just hid the costs better

That’s why Leonardi sounds angry:
the tragedy isn’t that leaders chose wrong
it’s that they stopped choosing at all.


The Cost of the Lies

Robert F Kennedy Jr is running for president as an independent. Who will vote for him? - BBC News

By mid-2021, uncertainty was no longer the binding constraint. We knew enough to reduce harm without closing society. What followed was not ignorance but policy inertia amplified by misinformation. The costs did not vanish; they were deferred, externalised, and misclassified.

This is an attempt to price that decision.

  • Not precisely.

  • Not exhaustively.

  • But materially.


Ledger rules

  • Timeframe: mid-2021 → end-2024

  • Geography: UK + US

  • Method: conservative estimates, rounded down

  • Scope: costs attributable to misinformation-driven inaction, not COVID itself

  • This excludes:

    • deaths already counted in acute phases

    • speculative future cancer risk

    • social value of suffering

This is the minimum bill.


Line Item 1: Long COVID–related labour loss

Baseline facts

  • UK Long COVID prevalence: ~1.8–2.0 million

  • US Long COVID prevalence: ~16–20 million

  • Fraction work-limiting (conservative): 15%

  • Average productivity loss (partial + full): 0.4 FTE

UK calculation

  • Affected workers: ~300,000

  • Average output per worker/year: ~£65,000

  • Annual loss:
    £7.8 billion

US calculation

  • Affected workers: ~3 million

  • Average output per worker/year: ~$75,000

  • Annual loss:
    $90 billion

📌 Nonsense tax component:
Persistent messaging that reinfection was “mild” delayed mitigation and accommodation.


Line Item 2: Excess sickness absence (non-LC)

What changed

  • Higher infection frequency

  • Reduced isolation norms

  • “Presenteeism” became policy-approved

Conservative estimate

  • Additional 1.5 sick days/worker/year attributable to reinfections

UK

  • Workforce: ~33 million

  • Cost/day (wages + disruption): ~£120

  • Annual cost:
    £5.9 billion

US

  • Workforce: ~160 million

  • Cost/day: ~$200

  • Annual cost:
    $48 billion

📌 Nonsense tax component:
“Endemic” reframed as “inconsequential”.


Line Item 3: Disability system load (shifted, not eliminated)

UK

  • New disability claims with post-viral conditions (2021–24): ~350,000

  • Average annual support cost: ~£9,000

  • Annualised cost:
    £3.2 billion

US

  • SSDI/SSI applications linked to post-COVID conditions: ~1.1 million

  • Average annual federal + state cost: ~$14,000

  • Annualised cost:
    $15.4 billion

📌 Nonsense tax component:
Denial delayed diagnosis → worsened disability → higher lifetime cost.


Line Item 4: Healthcare utilisation (downstream, chronic)

This includes:

  • cardiology referrals

  • neurology

  • autonomic clinics

  • repeat GP visits

  • diagnostic churn

UK (NHS)

  • Estimated excess per LC patient/year: ~£1,200

  • Applied to 1.5m patients:
    £1.8 billion

US

  • Estimated excess per LC patient/year: ~$2,500

  • Applied to 10m patients:
    $25 billion

📌 Nonsense tax component:
Failure to invest early → expensive, fragmented care later.


Line Item 5: Built-environment non-investment (the counterfactual)

This one matters because it shows how cheap prevention was.

Cost of doing it properly (one-off)

  • HEPA + CO₂ for schools, offices, clinics

  • UK: ~£12–15 billion

  • US: ~$80–100 billion

What we paid instead (annualised losses above)

  • UK: ~£18–20 billion/year

  • US: ~$180–200 billion/year

📌 Nonsense tax component:
We rejected a capital expense and accepted a permanent operating loss.


Partial total (annual, conservative)

UK

  • Labour loss: £7.8bn

  • Sickness absence: £5.9bn

  • Disability: £3.2bn

  • Healthcare: £1.8bn

≈ £18.7 billion per year

US

  • Labour loss: $90bn

  • Sickness absence: $48bn

  • Disability: $15.4bn

  • Healthcare: $25bn

≈ $178.4 billion per year

Line Item 6: Long-term cardiovascular events

What we know

Post-COVID cohorts show elevated risk of:

  • myocardial infarction

  • stroke

  • arrhythmias

  • heart failure

Risk elevation persists 12–36 months post-infection, including after “mild” cases.

We are not pricing deaths here — only treatable morbidity.

Conservative assumptions

  • Additional annual CV event incidence attributable to COVID sequelae: 0.2% of infected adults

  • Average incremental healthcare + productivity cost per event:

    • UK: £45,000

    • US: $85,000

UK

  • Adult infections (cumulative): ~45 million

  • Excess CV events/year: ~90,000

  • Annual cost:
    £4.0 billion

US

  • Adult infections (cumulative): ~220 million

  • Excess CV events/year: ~440,000

  • Annual cost:
    $37.4 billion

📌 Nonsense tax driver:
“Mild infection” framing delayed cardiovascular surveillance and prevention.


Line Item 7: Cognitive decline & earnings erosion

This is the quiet one — and one of the most expensive.

What we know

  • Post-COVID cognitive impairment (“brain fog”) measurable on testing

  • Effects persist in a subset for years

  • Even small IQ/executive function losses reduce lifetime earnings

We price earnings drag, not disability.

Conservative assumptions

  • Affected workers: 5% of working-age infected

  • Average productivity reduction: 5%

  • Applies to current workforce only (no lifetime discounting)

UK

  • Affected workers: ~1.6 million

  • Average salary: £35,000

  • Annual loss:
    £2.8 billion

US

  • Affected workers: ~11 million

  • Average salary: $60,000

  • Annual loss:
    $33 billion

📌 Nonsense tax driver:
Cognitive effects dismissed as anxiety or burnout → no mitigation or accommodation.


Line Item 8: Caregiver productivity loss

Every disabled adult creates at least one shadow worker.

What we know

  • Informal caregiving increased substantially post-2021

  • Caregivers reduce hours, decline promotions, or exit workforce

Conservative assumptions

  • 1 caregiver per 2 work-limiting Long COVID cases

  • Average productivity loss: 0.25 FTE

UK

  • Caregivers affected: ~150,000

  • Annual loss per caregiver: ~£16,000

  • Annual cost:
    £2.4 billion

US

  • Caregivers affected: ~1.5 million

  • Annual loss per caregiver: ~$20,000

  • Annual cost:
    $30 billion

📌 Nonsense tax driver:
Disability framed as individual failure → unpaid labour absorbs cost.


Line Item 9: Educational disruption impacts

This is not about school closures.
It’s about chronic absenteeism and cognitive drag.

What we know

  • Increased student sickness absence post-2021

  • Teachers chronically absent

  • Cognitive impacts observed in adolescents post-infection

We price future earnings loss, discounted heavily.

Conservative assumptions

  • 2% lifetime earnings reduction for affected cohorts

  • Applied only to 2020–2022 birth cohorts currently in school

UK

  • Present value annualised:
    £1.5 billion

US

  • Present value annualised:
    $14 billion

📌 Nonsense tax driver:
Schools treated as epidemiologically neutral environments.


Line Item 10: Military readiness & retention

This one is politically radioactive — which is why it’s barely discussed.

What we know

  • Elevated medical discharge rates

  • Recruitment shortfalls

  • Training pipeline attrition

Conservative assumptions

  • Medical attrition attributable to post-COVID conditions:

    • UK: ~3,000 personnel/year

    • US: ~25,000 personnel/year

  • Replacement & training cost per service member:

    • UK: £120,000

    • US: $250,000

UK

  • Annual cost:
    £360 million

US

  • Annual cost:
    $6.25 billion

📌 Nonsense tax driver:
Health readiness framed as individual fitness, not systemic exposure.


Line Item 11: Insurance premium distortion

What we know

  • Health insurers pricing higher uncertainty

  • Employers absorbing higher premiums

  • Costs passed to workers via wages

Conservative estimate

  • Premium inflation attributable to post-COVID morbidity:

    • UK private + employer costs: £1.2 billion

    • US employer + individual market: $22 billion

📌 Nonsense tax driver:
Risk socialised quietly instead of mitigated structurally.


Annual totals (minimum)

UK ≈ £31 billion per year (before compounding)
US ≈ $321 billion per year (before compounding)


  • UK annual loss (C₀): £31bn

  • US annual loss (C₀): $321bn

  • One-off investment is tiny vs flows

  • Compounding applied to the loss stream


Compounding formula used

Cumulative loss over T years with annual growth g:

\( \text{Total}(T)=C_0 \times \frac{(1+g)^T-1}{g}\)

Scenario A — 3% disinvestment rate (very conservative)

UK (£31bn base)

  • 5 years:
    Factor ≈ 5.3 → £164bn

  • 10 years:
    Factor ≈ 11.5 → £356bn

  • 25 years:
    Factor ≈ 36.4 → £1.13 trillion

US ($321bn base)

  • 5 years: $1.7T

  • 10 years: $3.7T

  • 25 years: $11.7T


Scenario B — 5% disinvestment rate (still defensible)

UK (£31bn base)

  • 5 years:
    Factor ≈ 5.5 → £171bn

  • 10 years:
    Factor ≈ 12.6 → £390bn

  • 25 years:
    Factor ≈ 47.7 → £1.48 trillion

US ($321bn base)

  • 5 years: $1.8T

  • 10 years: $4.0T

  • 25 years: $15.3T


One-line Figure

  • At 3%, the UK clears £1T inside 25 years.

  • At 5%, it’s £1.5T.

  • The US lands between $12–15T on the same horizon.

That’s the compounded nonsense tax.

Discussion about this post

User's avatar
Abhcán's avatar
Abhcán
Jun 20

The "Great Barrington Declaration" was a costly and deadly load of bullshit.

https://www.panaccindex.info/p/preview-the-great-barrington-declaration

https://www.panaccindex.info/p/economic-coercion-in-pandemic-policymaking

https://counterdisinformationproject.substack.com/p/anti-vaxxers-party-and-plot-the-path

https://drbobmorris.substack.com/p/how-wrong-was-jay-bhattacharyas-great

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